Sociolinguistic Symposium 22

June 27th to 30th saw the University of Auckland hosting the 22nd Sociolinguistic Symposium. This is the first major(read:large) international conference I’ve had the privilege of attending, and coming from a small cozy circle of Australian linguists it was quite an eye opening experience.

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Pōwhiri welcome ceremony to kick off SS22. Image courtesy Chloé Diskin (@ChloeDiskin)

Firstly, I’m reminded of how broad a church sociolinguistics actually is. There are researchers from a variety of research methods (critical discourse analysis through to quantitative corpus linguistics), with a variety of concerns (identity, language revitalisation, education policy), and from a variety of regions in the world. One friend imparted some good advice early on, that the symposium is a good opportunity to get a feel for what are cutting edge topics and concerns in the world, and indeed that’s a good way of summarising my overall feeling about the conference.

There were some concepts I’d vaguely heard of in the past that were relatively prevalent: “Translanguaging” and “superdiversity” being the main ones. I came to get a bit more of a feel for the concepts, but anyone who had the misfortune of hearing me rant knows my feelings on the terms. I can appreciate the ideas behind the words, but I think they are truly ugly words. I’m sure there’s an analysis to be made out of that sentiment.

The highlight session (other than our own Variation in the Pacific long colloquia!) was the “Fresh insights on traditional variationist methods in non-English contexts” session organised by Uri Horesh (@urihoresh) and Jonathan Kasstan (@JRKASSTAN). The emphasis was on the notion of “style” which, to be honest, is not something I even remotely consider in my research because we’re not at a stage of description where style is a concern. The panel was overall a good reminder that there are plenty of people innovating with methodology, and tackling and problematising concepts such as style and prestige from their own research contexts. Heads up to Maya Ravrindanath Abtahian working on Garifuna.

Our own panel was a solid show of how variationist and quantitative methods are being applied to investigate phenomena in the Pacific. The Wellsprings Project’s very own Marie-France Duhamel presented on Raga, a Vanuatu language that shows interesting conservative language tendencies in contrast to it’s more diverse neighbouring languages. Anne-Laure Dotte presented on the change happening in the unique and extensive possessive classifier system of Iaai, a language of New Caledonia. Brook Ross presented on a possible emergent Auckland variety of New Zealand English. Isabelle Buchstaller showed how level of education in English in the Marshall Islands conditions h-insertion (a possible import of sociolinguistic evaluation of h-dropping from English?). Wilfred Fimone (@WilfredFim) presented negative results for glottal stop deletion in Rotuman; an interesting reminder that not all variation is given social meaning, or sociolinguistically conditioned. And Miriam Meyerhoff gave a whirlwind talk on how we should choose our variables carefully when investigating the relationship between individual and social group.

One of the things that came out of attending the other variation colloquia and seeing the presenters in our session, was that “small datasets” are not a problem. It’s really the willingness of researchers to give things a red hot go, and for us to amplify the findings from more “exotic” or “minor” contexts. I feel pretty strongly about this, and am uber thankful to Miriam Meyerhoff for giving us this opportunity on an international stage.

…And some personal reflections

I find is slightly ironic that for a conference that talks about the importance of multilingualism, challenges to hegemonic discourses, and questioning the dominance of major cultural groups over others, the vast majority of attendees continue to be presenting on English, and other large population languages. I don’t make this statement as a word-version of an eye-roll, or a statement intending to accuse linguists of being egocentric or eurocentric, or whatever-centric (although when I’m feeling less generous I do feel the rumbles of frustration). I make this observation with a lot of ambivalence. Marginalised groups within English/major language contexts absolutely should be researched. Major languages that are not English should also be researched to contribute their insights towards (socio)linguistic theory. Varieties of Englishes can also contribute to challenging the assumed theories coming out of studies of American Englishes. We contribute to research in ways that we can.

But I also can’t help but feel nervous at the lack of interaction I had with sociolinguists outside of the Pacific context, and Australia. I suspect part of it comes from the lack of knowledge, and not really knowing how to interact with people who work in different contexts (this goes both ways: I’m not placing blame on my potential interactants, this applies equally to myself). Also if you are attending an international conference as an L2 speaker of English, this adds another layer. But if we as researchers are unwilling to take those steps to build bridges to those we are less familiar with, how on earth can we expect our wider communities and societies to build bridges and listen to the marginalised voices that we as researchers supposedly represent? How can we as researchers, who represent marginalised voices through our research, possibly expect to have wider society listen to these voices when we ourselves are so reluctant to build bridges across to different research contexts within our own field?

Again, I’m not putting myself off the hook. Trying to interact with people of different regions and areas is awkward, takes care and energy, and requires patience. And at conferences you may just want to catch up with your immediate colleagues and collaborators with whom you may not regularly interact with as much as you like. Maybe I’m just grumbling about something that comes inherent with the way modern conferences are organised. I’m not pontificating to people that they should pay attention to small languages, or non-Englishes or whatever. I’m merely feeling circumspect about what it means to be part of a broad conference, when all of us participants are trying to deal with jet lag, bleeding out of energy, and trying to put our talks together for an international audience.

(Would “linguist speed dating” be an event that conferences can organise? Sign up, see which linguist you’ll be paired off with, and have dinner with them?)

Anyway, thank you to the wonderful volunteers and unpaid organisers for pulling off a momentous task. Though I would like to suggest to the leaders of the conference, they may wish to reconsider in the future the outsourcing of conference planning to a company that can’t possibly know how best to organise an international conference which requires sensitivity to intercultural communication.

Presenters at the “Variation in the Pacific” long colloquia. From left to right, me (duh), Wilfred Fimone, Marie-France Duhamel, Brook Ross, Miriam Meyerhoff, Anne-Laure Dotte, Isabelle Buchstaller. Photo courtesy Marie-France Duhamel.

 

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Prof Poplack Giving Me Some Thoughts

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Prof. Shana Poplack giving a master class on variationism at the University of Queensland

The frequency at which a particular variant/linguistic variable occurs may change over time, but the conditioning factors are stable.

In which case, for language change to occur at that locus of variability, something needs to happen to disrupt the transmission of those conditioning factors to the next generation.

I’m trying to unpack the diachronic consequences of long term, stable multilingual communities with balanced bilinguals making up the population. For where I am in Southern New Guinea, I feel I should read up of this, about the social networks of hunter-gatherer societies… Because there must be some effect about interaction frequency and social networks in explaining language change?

 

Quantitative Sociolinguistics = Labov?

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The Engma Room at the Centre of Excellence for the Dynamics of Language (CoEDL), Canberra Node.

A few months ago a few of us Wellspringers and CoEDL students at the Australian National University were having lunch, and talking about the topic of my last blog post: the overlaps and differences between sociolinguistics and variationism. I was somewhat glad to see that quite a few of us had conflated the two, or were still unsure about how the two are different (this was particularly the case if you didn’t deal with variationism in your research directly). I tried to throw in my two-cents about why we have this conflation of the two things, and mumbled something about Labov. So I think it’s time to tick off that “Write About Labov in relation to Sociolinguistics and Variationism” box on my to-do list.

William Labov

I struggled a little bit on how to start this section, because introductory textbooks to sociolinguistics all talk about, in-depth, the famous Martha’s Vineyard study by William Labov (1). (If you want a really quick and dirty overview, checkout here.) As for the man himself, Wikipedia already has a pretty good overview, so it’ll be a bit redundant for me to write out more again… Having said that, there’s no way around extrapolating on the Martha’s Vineyard study if we’re to understand how sociolinguistics and variationism get conflated. So even if you know the Martha’s Vineyard story, bear with me, I’ll try and make it worth your while.

Once upon a time, there was a concept called “free variation”. I think this term is still in use, still with the original meaning of “speakers freely alternate between various forms” (you definitely see it used in descriptive grammars). Along comes Bill Labov and shows, empirically, that there are sometimes social motivations for why speakers alternate between forms. Why do some speakers on Martha’s Vineyard pronounce their vowels one way, and others another way? That’s because those speakers who are more oriented towards main land American culture pronounce their vowels more main-landy, while those who are more island oriented tend to pronounce their vowels like the vernacular dialect.

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Drawing on social motivations to explain variation was a break through at this time in modern linguistic history. But another thing that was revolutionary about Labov’s study was that it used quantitative and qualitative data collection and analysis.

These quantitative methods that Labov started, and were further developed by linguists such as David Sankoff, Gregory Guy, Shana Poplack etc etc did NOT necessarily look at the social dimensions of language. In fact, the Labovian method was used to study variation in a numeric and systematic way. So to simplify it:

  • Assumption of variation + Quantitative method part = variationism
  • Assumption of variation + social explanations + social dimensions of language = sociolinguistics

As I talked about in this post, sociolinguistics is a pretty broad term with a range of interests that cross-over with anthropological linguistics and linguistic anthropology. But “Labovian sociolinguistics” (which is what I meant in said post when I said “sociolinguistics”) has that emphasis on quantitative methods, which sets it apart from the other socio-culturally oriented linguistic things.

  1. People say the same thing in different ways.
  2. The theory was that there was free variation if the grammar couldn’t give an explanation for the variation.
  3. Labov said that was rubbish, and that social and cultural factors can explain variation.
  4. Labov used a method that sought patterns and correlations between who and when these variations occurred.
  5. Boom, variationism.
  6. The explanation of why variation occurred, was a social reason.
  7. Boom, sociolinguistics.

So this conflation of “sociolinguistics” and “variationism” makes sense historically, so to speak. It’s kind of an interesting case of how meaning drift can happen, if you aren’t paying attention to the particulars of how things develop, I guess.

Speaking of Labov…

Labov and Gillian Sankoff at the recently held NWAV AP4 at National Chun Chen University, Chiayi, Taiwan (国立中正大学、嘉義、台湾)
Labov and Gillian Sankoff at the recently held NWAV AP4 at National Chun Chen University, Chiayi, Taiwan (国立中正大学、嘉義、台湾)

It was a real privilege to hear a living legend.

Sociolinguistics and Variationism are not the same thing

Of courser I would lie, and my first meaningful post of 2016 is neither about PRAAT or micro variation, but about the definition/scope of sociolinguistics (again) and variationism. But I guess if I’m going to talk about microvariation, it’s kind of necessary to clear this ground about what is generally meant by variation and variationism in linguistics, and the close relationship it has with sociolinguistics (read: Labov. If you don’t know what Labov is, he’s a godfather of linguistics, and we’ll do a proper post about him later. I guess it’s kind of inevitable).

So what is the relationship between sociolinguistics and variationism? From the title you can tell that they are not the same thing. But their origins come from (essentially) the same place, so they can be confounded.

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Me being confounded by the Nmbo language of Papua New Guinea. Ok, that’s a stretch, I know, but we need a picture to break up the text here, ok? 😛

In my last meaningful post I tried pulling apart the difference between Linguistic Anthropology, Anthropological Linguistics, and Sociolinguistics. One of the things that makes sociolinguistics stand out from other areas of linguistics is that it is interested in social meaning, but also in seeking patterns and correlates between how language is used by groups of people (and to varying extents, how language is used by individuals) (1).

When I started off in my PhD two years ago (argh!) I began by reading a book by Sali Tagliamonte titled Variationist Sociolinguistics: Change, Observation, Interpretation (2012). Since my topic is about studying “variation” within a population of speakers, this made sense. What I mean by variation is something like “how do people talk about the same thing in different ways”. A famous example often used in text books is the alternation between word final [n] or [ŋ] in English speakers: for example pronouncing a word laughin’ for the first case, laughing for the second case. (2) Is there a reason why some people, sometimes, pronounce words with the  [n], not the “proper” [ŋ]? Studying this kind of alternation in speech is what “studying variation” means.

So why do some people say the same thing differently? The big break through in the twentieth century for the science of language was that these differences are in part due to where the speaker is from, their background, identity and other ‘social things’ (what in the field is called “socially conditioned variation”). The [ŋ] vs [n] is a well-known dialect difference in England, which is also sensitive to speech style (e.g. polite and careful vs. rapid and casual) (see Trudgill 1974).

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The copy of Sali Tagliamonte’s Variationist Sociolinguistics that’s prettily sitting on my desk’s perpetual book pile.

I loved reading Tagliamonte’s textbook. I had taken a subject in my undergraduate level degree called Introduction to Sociolinguistics or something like that, so I was vaguely familiar with the things Tagliamonte was talking about.. but not in this kind of depth. But it took me a while after reading this text book’s methods section, and reading papers such as the one provided by a member of my supervisory panel, that variationism and sociolinguistics are not the same thing. I had, somehow, conflated variationism as a theory and method with frameworks and approaches inherent in sociolinguistics. There is plenty of overlap, but actually, this is another one of those things where the origins and history of sociolinguistics as a field have (probably) helped conflate the two things.

Let’s articulate this here:

  • Variationism: Research into what patterns and correlations can be found in regard to how people vary their speech.
  • Sociolinguistics: Research into the social meaning of language use, with an emphasis on seeking patterns and correlations from a largish data sample.

Tagliamonte’s book is titled Variationist Sociolinguistics. That is, she is talking about sociolinguistic research that uses the variationist framework and method. But variation doesn’t have to be socially conditioned. In fact, it’s very often conditioned by the grammar of a language. Going back to that [ŋ] vs [n] difference from before, it turns out that there are grammatical reasons why people vary their pronunciation between [ŋ] vs [n]. According to  Houston (1985) nouns are much more likely to be pronounced with the [ŋ] rather than [n], while verbs are more likely to be pronounced with [n].

So.

This conflation was a real n00b mistake, I’m aware. Somehow I had thought that variationism and sociolinguistics were the same thing because, you know, Labov.

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Photograph of Martha’s Vineyard map from the Norman B. Leventhal Map Centre at the Boston Public Library photo stream, distributed under a  CC-BY.2.0 licence.

I think my next post is going to have to be about William Labov, and how much his work has shaped the field of sociolinguistics, both theoretically, but also methodologically. There are plenty of things out there that talk about his theoretical contributions to linguistics, but I find that very few have explicitly highlighted his methodological contribution (probably because it’s so self evident). This is the second post I’ve had to shove aside the history of sociolinguistics and Labov, so I guess we’ll cross that bridge next post.

(1) Walker and Meyerhoff (2014) have recently writtenabout how it may be that the variable of “individual” is very often the most important factor in explaining the pattern of variation found within speech. That is, a person’s personal language history and their individual quirks are able to best explain patterns of variation found in their speech, rather than things like class, ethnicity, etc., especially when looking at small language’s communities.

:: EDIT ::

If you want to see an example of a non-sociolinguistic but variationist study, have a look at this one by Rena Torres Cacoullos and Catherine Travis:  Prosody, priming and particular constructions: The patterning of English first-person singular subject expression in conversation. You can download a pdf from Rena’s website here.

References

Houston, A.C. (1985). Continuity and Change

Tagliamonte, S. A. (2012). Variationist Sociolinguistics: Change, Observation, Interpretation. West Sussex, United Kingdom: Wiley-Blackwell.

Trudgill, P. (1974). The Social Differentiation of English in Norwich. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Walker, J. A., & Meyerhoff, M. (2014). Studies of the Community and the Individual (pp. 175–194).